Impact of Structural Adjustment on Economic Performance

Impact of Structural Adjustment on Economic Performance Free Online Research Papers THE IMPACT OF STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT ON ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE (CONTROL GROUP BEFORE AND AFTER ANALYSES) By Misbah Nosheen PhD scholar: Federal Urdu University of Arts Science Technology Islamabad Lecturer in Economics: International Islamic University Islamabad. Javed Iqbal PhD scholar: Federal Urdu University of Arts Science Technology Islamabad Research Officer: Economic Affair Division (EAD) Islamabad ABSTRACT Are adjustment policies helpful or hamper growth? This paper presents data on economic performance (aggregate and sectoral growth, inflation, investment and external account) for 8 countries. The data are classified on an annual basis according to the country’s policy stance in that year: weak reformers, moderate reformers and strong reformers. This approach allows both control-group and before and after analyses. The evidence suggests three hypotheses. First, countries with weak reforms have performed betterly in comparison with those that have moved to greater market orientation. Countries ranked with a policy score of 1 perform well on all indicators, other than investment growth and export growth, than those with scores of 3. Second, economic performance does not differ greatly between moderate and strong ones. But in case of inflation there is a significant difference between group 2 and group 3. The third hypothesis follows from noting that there is little difference in agricultural growth, manufacturing growth and overall growth among 3 groups. It is surprising that manufacturing growth is greater in case of weak reforms. New prescriptive ideas on reforms have tended to be realistic, emphasizing that reforms need to be modified to country circumstances. 1. INTRODUCTION During the 1990s there were intense changes in the national policy environment in many less developed countries. These changes were mainly brought about within the framework of structural adjustment programmes guided by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The process began in early 1980s with the Bank structural adjustment loans. Yet there is a question as to the economic impact of these policies: specifically do they support or hinder growth as compared with the pre reform situation? To this end, paper presents evidence from 8 developing countries. As explained earlier data were collected on macro-economic variables and classified on an annual basis according to the country’s policy stance in that particular year. The focus of this paper is on isolating the economic impact of economic reform. These data were used for control group comparisons and to do before and after analysis. Section 2 begins with an overview of policy reform in developing countries before moving in Section 3 to a presentation of the results dealing with overall growth, inflation, investment and sectoral growth in agriculture and manufacturing. Section 4 concludes on the suitable design of adjustment. 2. POLICY REFORM IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: AN OVERVIEW The term adjustment in the discussion of international development agencies refers to a set of economic reforms that nudge the economy toward market based development. Specifically they aim to achieve internal and external balance by reduction of the fiscal and trade deficits, trade liberalization and export expansions as opposed to import substitutions. During the last more than two decades almost all developing countries have taken steps toward economic liberalization achieving the stated policy objectives. But these changes have resulted in different outcomes. It is instructive in this context to refer to an analysis of six African countries, Engberg-Pedersen et al. (1996) who distinguish three stages of adjustment: (1) stabilisation, agricultural price reform and some trade liberalisation; (2) internal trade liberalisation, investment promotion and social dimensions of adjustment; and (3) public sector reform, beginning with the banking sector and civil service, and social expend iture rationalisation. The experience of the 8 countries shows that there are divergences in the experiences of economic policy reforms with respect to the pre assigned target variables. The main push for reforms has begun at different times in these countries; but all of them have undertaken market based reforms during the last more than two and a half of decades. It is certainly the case that tariff reforms and agricultural price liberalization have been spearheaded the reforms; along with some change in exchange rate policy. Experience with stabilisation has not so uniform for instance, stablisation in many cases has been attempted at the outset of adjustment but not always successfully. Most frequently, it has been turned out to be more of a problem than a solution of the problem. Indeed, this unpleasant experience has forced the IMF to deemphasize this aspect to spearhead structural reforms. It is certainly the case that privatisation and public sector reform come at the tail end of the reforms and ha ve not been carried out in all countries (especially public sector reform). The practice of trade liberalization and market-oriented economic reform that had launched in many developing countries in early 1980s intensified in the 1990s. The reform undertaken varied in ownership and contents in different countries. The reforming countries can be divided into three groups. The first group consists of a number of countries in East Asia which continued their own dynamic industrial and trade policies initiated in 1960s. The second group includes a large number of countries, mostly in Africa and Asia, which have gone through the reform programmes designed and dictated by the IFIs. The third group comprises a number of Latin American countries that undertook economic reform since early 1980s, initially under pressure from international financial institutions. Nevertheless, in 1990s they intensified the reform process without having been necessarily under pressure of those institutions in all cases. The contents and philosophy of their reform programmes were, howeve r, similar to those designed by the international financial institutions which in turn have been referred to as the â€Å"Washington Consensus† since the early 1990s. Universal and uniform trade liberalization was a part of the Washington Consensus. The term Universal implies that all developing countries are to follow the same trade policy regime i.e they are required to liberalize trade and capital flows irrespective of their levels of development and industrial capacities. The term Uniform implies that all sectors and industries are to be subject to the same tariff rates i.e, preferably a zero rate, or a very low rate. Apart from trade liberalization, such reform programmes included mainly: capital account liberalization, devaluation at the early stages of reform to compensate for trade liberalization, fiscal and financial reform through contractionary macroeconomic policies such as budget cuts, increase in interest rates and privatization. As for the timing of reform, there seems to be something of a regional pattern to it, although with significant exceptions. Asian countries began reform earlier (Sri Lanka in 1977, Bangladesh, India and Pakistan relaxed controls somewhat in the 1980s, although in all cases more intensive reform began in 1991). â€Å"Policy scores† have been based on the degree of reform of the exchange rate, trade, price policy, finance, fiscal policy, private sector development, privatization and public sector undertaking by different countries. The score 1 is corresponding to weak reform, 2 to moderate reform and 3 to strong reform for each country. Figure 1 shows the average score across the 8 countries since 1980, giving a strong graphical evidence of the world trend towards reform. There has been a continuous increase in the average policy score, with a sharp incline in 1990 and 1991, when several countries intensified their reform efforts. It may be noted that a higher score means that it has become more market oriented; whether or not it has assured better growth and lower poverty remains to be analyzed in the present study. Figure: 1 Average Policy Score for 8 Countries Table: 1 Aid Per Capita ($ Per Person) by Policy Score (1980-2007) 1 2 3 Mean 10.204 8.739 8.239 Median 10.449 2.0741 3.787 Standard deviation 6.155 11.469 11.841 No of observations 19 55 150 Source: Calculated by author Table: 2 Before and After Comparisons of Aid Per Capita ($ Per Person) (1980-2007) Country Before reforms After reforms Mean Median Stand Dev Mean Median Stand Dev Argentina 2.061 1.598 1.305 3.839 2.867 2.119 Bangladesh 15.331 15.499 2.679 10.941 10.204 3.012 Brazil 1.317 1.282 0.477 1.068 1.131 0.736 Chile -0.431 -0.639 0.499 6.527 7.075 3.965 India 2.353 2.277 0.407 1.651 1.609 0.677 Pakistan 10.272 9.645 2.350 8.826 7.999 3.132 Sri Lanka 31.659 29.560 5.563 33.673 30.536 17.483 Venezuela 0.865 0.884 0.194 2.035 1.854 0.796 Source: Calculated by author This section will often compare indicators for countries with different policy scores. Table 1 provides the example of aid per capita given to the sample countries. Aid per capita dealings the net official development assistance (net of repayment of principal) available per person in each country receiving foreign aid. Data are specified in current U.S. dollars per person . The averages (both mean and median) shown here have been calculated across all available observations, so a country can enter the data set up to 28 times (the data cover 1980-2007) though, of course, it will appear in a different column depending on its policy score for that year. It may be surprising that average aid is higher for 1 than for 2 and 3. This result is partly explained by the fact that bilateral conditionality came in during the 1980s, so that poor performers could still get high aid in the early part of the decade. But once conditionality started, many of the home grown reform efforts were not rewarded by the international community. Aid flows only resumed once an International Financial Institution (IFI)-backed programme was started. Table 2 shows the before and after analysis of aid per capita. It presents more or less the same picture as shown by table 1. 3. ECONOMIC IMPACT OF ADJUSTMENT POLICIES BY KEY VARIABLES 3.1 Overview Table 3 presents a summary of the main results from the control group analyses, which are explored in more detail below. I have suggested three hypotheses. First, countries with weak reforms have performed better in comparison with those that have moved to greater market orientation. As compare to countries with score of 3, than with a policy score of 1 perform well on all indicators, other than investment growth and export growth. Second, economic performance does not differ greatly between moderate reformers (score 2) and strong reformers (within score of 1) ones. But in case of inflation there is a significant difference between group 2 and group 3. This finding is partly explained by the fact that some countries which have carried out quite far-reaching reforms have seen only insignificant impact on their growth rates but a greater impact on their inflation. The third hypothesis follows from noting that there is not much difference in agricultural growth, manufacturing growth and overall growth among 3 groups. It is not surprising but may be important that manufacturing growth is greater in case of weak reforms. Table: 3 Summary of Control Group Analysis by Types of Reformers (1980-2007)(Median Scores) 1 2 3 Growth 5.181 4.141 5.123 Inflation 26.536 10.726 93.801 Investment rate 18.482 21.094 21,656 Export growth 3.601 5.203 7.832 Agricultural growth 3.658 2.609 3,167 Manufacturing growth 7.033 4.661 5.259 Source: Calculated by author 3.2 Growth The data presented in Table 3 show that growth performance has been weaker the greater the degree of reform in the control countries. Moreover, the results are the same. Countries with policy score 3 perform significantly better than moderate reformers: the t-statistic for the difference in means between 3 and 2 is 2.537 and that for 3 and 1 is 0.721. So there is no significant difference in growth performance between weak and strong reformers. Table: 4 Control Group Analysis of Real GDP Growth by Type of Reformers (1980 to 2007) 1 2 3 Mean 5.344 2.810 4.591 Median 5.181 4.141 5.123 Standard deviation 2.218 4.411 4.467 No of Observations 19 55 150 Source: Calculated by author The data in Tables 3 and 4 are simple control group comparisons; we are comparing various degrees of adjustment (between different countries and different periods for the same country) without any reference to other factors. Table 5 presents a before-and-after analysis, which does control for country specific, but not other, factors. Chile is experiencing stronger growth with reform. Argentina and Venezuela have a moderate reforme growth. Brazil has declined in growth (relatively). The South Asian countries Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka have all maintained comparable growth rates regardless of policy stance; indeed they are lower in the case of Pakistan. In case of India, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh it has improved upon with reforms. Thus it seems that some countries have experienced growth with reform, whereas others have not. Table: 5 Before and After Growth Performance (Growth of Real GDP per Annum) (1980-2007) Country Before reforms After reforms Mean Median Stand Dev Mean Median Stand Dev Argentina 0.026 2.212 5.346 4.076 5.836 7.639 Bangladesh 3.465 3.732 1.444 5.124 5.228 0.776 Brazil 2.954 3.600 5.042 2.207 2.439 2.357 Chile 1.350 4.737 8.127 6.116 6.352 2.860 India 5.887 5.809 1.739 6.599 7.129 2.681 Pakistan 6.646 6.538 1.665 4.751 4.847 2.377 Sri Lanka 4.350 4.814 1.553 4.946 5.362 1.918 Venezuela 0.770 0.193 3.937 2.962 3.687 7.462 Source: Calculated by author 3.3 Inflation Stabilisation is considered a pre-requisite for growth, as high levels of inflation create uncertainty by confusing price signals. An important focus of the stabilization programme is to bring the rate of inflation under check. Most studies find that inflation has been brought down when stabilisation has been pursued. As shown in Table 3, this view is not supposed by the experience of our sample of 8 countries. Median inflation in strong reforming countries is more than three times greater than that in weak reforming ones and it is more than two times in weak reforms as compared with moderate reform ones. The region of Latin America has a history of fiscal wastefulness, in which deficits were covered by printing money resulting in high inflation, and in extreme cases, hyperinflation or by tapping financial markets, leading to exploding debt ratios, often ending in debt crises. Despite a fall in aid during the 1990s, inflation in Bangladesh dropped from double to single digits because of a reduction in the budget deficit resulting from a rise in tax revenue and increased foreign financing. First, there was a devaluation of the exchange rate, which was then fixed, and wage and price controls were maintained in order to ‘break inflationary expectations’. Increases in some prices however, led to a gradual appreciation and overvaluation. In the wake of further devaluation in 1993 inflation increased and can be seen to have followed closely the rate of nominal devaluation. Table 6 represents the control group analysis of inflation. Results show that inflation has been higher as the degrees of reform proceed. Table 7 shows completely the sane picture. Table: 6 Control Group Analysis of Inflation (CPI) by Type of Reformers (1980 to 2007) 1 2 3 Mean 27.208 18.307 89.877 Median 26.536 10.726 93.802 Standard deviation 8.025 19.815 51.690 No of Observations 19 55 150 Source: Calculated by author Table: 7 Before and After Comparisons of Inflation [CPI (2000=100)] (1980-2007) Country Before reforms After reforms Mean Median Stand Dev Mean Median Stand Dev Argentina 0.005 0.000 0.011 103.939 100.670 42.792 Bangladesh 41.543 41.598 12.400 97.840 97.839 26.100 Brazil 0.000 0.000 0.000 81.179 89.091 58.763 Chile 9.216 8.427 2.572 74.811 83.534 34.525 India 29.164 28.084 7.864 91.446 96.145 26.567 Pakistan 30.259 29.890 6.204 92.915 95.816 29.140 Sri Lanka 23.409 22.098 8.131 101.405 94.183 41.592 Venezuela 0.577 0.510 0.228 96.141 69.638 97.311 Source: Calculated by author Table 7 presents before and after comparisons of inflation. It shows that all the sampling countries have experienced higher inflation after reforms. In case of Latin American countries (Argentina, Brazil and Venezuela) the condition is severe. 3.4 Investment The role of investment in promoting economic growth has received considerable attention in many countries around the world. The link between investment and growth is well established. The early Domar-Harrod models specified investment as the key to promoting economic growth. The data from the countries studied shows that the investment rate gets higher with increased degrees of reforms. Based on both the mean and the median, the investment rate appears to be about 19 per cent in weak reformers and a little over 21 per cent in moderate reformers and this difference is insignificant as t value is 1.517. But the difference between weak and strong reformers is significant with t value 2.445. Table 9 shows a really very mixed picture comparing before and after reforms. Bangladesh, Chile and India have significantly improved their investment growth with reforms. Argentina, Sri Lanka and Venezuela have declined in their investment growth as reform process moves on. Brazil has a slight impro vement while Pakistan works with almost same investment rate from weak to strong reform process. Table: 8 Simple Control group comparisons for investment rate (Per cent of GNP) by Type of Reformers (1980 to 2007) 1 2 3 Mean 19.234 20.903 21.901 Median 18.482 21.094 21.656 Standard deviation 4.032 4.164 4.532 No of observations 19 55 150 Source: Calculated by author Table: 9 Before and after comparisons of investment rate (per cent of GNP) (1980-2007) Country Before reforms After reforms Mean Median Stand Dev Mean Median Stand Dev Argentina 20.422 19.964 2.536 18.118 18.014 3.875 Bangladesh 16.536 16.701 0.921 21.541 22.193 2.819 Brazil 20.363 21.094 2.829 21.047 21.118 1.268 Chile 15.706 13.677 5.811 23.368 22.991 2.682 India 22.222 22.410 1.743 26.544 24.777 5.438 Pakistan 18.698 18.774 0.383 17.920 17.375 1.401 Sri Lanka 25.749 23.660 4.005 25.307 25.136 2.527 Venezuela 22.430 24.425 5.258 21.246 21.485 5.817 Source: Calculated by author 3.5 External Account and Debt Trade liberalisation measures cover exchange rate liberalisation (usually devaluation), the reform of the system of distributing foreign exchange, liberalisation of domestic factor markets, import liberalisation and moves from non-tariff restrictions towards tariffs. All these are designed to create incentives by improving the profitability of tradables relative to non-tradables, thus rewarding exporters and punishing importers. Caballero and Pangeas (2006) calculate that for a country like Chile, with good fundamentals, hedging the probability of suffering a sudden stop the debt flow can be equivalent to a reduction in the stock of debt of 10 percentage points of GDP. However, IDB (2007) shows that the benefit of debt reduction varies by country, depending on the current stock of debt and the quality of policies and institutions. They show recent empirical estimates that have found a non-linear relationship between external debt levels and growth levels of debt appear to be beneficial for growth up to a point, and then the correlation turns negative. The problem is that estimates for this turning point range between 10 and 60% of GDP. In addition, Imbs and Ranciere (2005) find that the threshold level at which debt becomes negative for growth is higher for countries with better institutions. To make an optimistic calculation, assume that Latin American countries are in the negative coefficient territory of the above non-linear relationship between debt and growth, so reducing debt would be beneficial – a not too unreasonable assumption, given an average level of external debt to GDP of almost 50% in 2004, excluding Argentina and Nicaragua that were above 110%. Following IDB (2007), this would mean that a 10 percentage point reduction in the debt / GDP ratio could generate a growth benefit of around 0.8 percentage points per year. However, the shakiness of this estimate cannot be stressed enough (Miguel Braun, 2007). Table: 10 Control Group Analysis of Current Account Deficit (As percentage of GDP) by Type of Reformers (1980 to 2007) 1 2 3 Mean -2.318 -2.999 -1.594 Median -2.428 -2.791 -2.424 Standard deviation 1.337 1.984 3.457 No of Observations 19 55 150 Source: Calculated by author Table: 11 Before and After Comparisons of Current Account Deficit (As percentage of GDP) (1980-2007) Country Before reforms After reforms Mean Median Stand Dev Mean Median Stand Dev Argentina -3.244 -2.791 1.829 -0.105 -1.703 4.068 Bangladesh -2.457 -2.428 1.502 -0.237 -0.080 1.040 Brazil -2.267 -1.981 2.600 -1.084 -0.356 2.403 Chile -9.548 -9.466 3.446 -2.357 -1.604 2.433 India -1.667 -1.822 0.549 0.037 -0.685 1.657 Pakistan -2.855 -3.331 1.261 -1.296 -2.742 3.731 Sri Lanka -7.321 -6.511 4.319 -3.443 -3.229 2.057 Venezuela 1.075 5.298 6.657 6.629 5.128 7.198 Source: Calculated by author Analysis of the external account is made difficult by the fact that reform efforts are often accompanied by an aid inflow, which necessarily worsens the current account. Nonetheless, we find a significant improvement in the current accounts of reforming countries compared to weak reformers. These results suggest that there may have been some improvement in exports and this is indeed shown by data on export performance (Tables 12 and 13). Table: 12 Simple Control group comparisons for Export Growth by Type of Reformers (1980 to 2007) 1 2 3 Mean 6.229 5.886 8.281 Median 3.601 5.204 7.832 Standard deviation 10.026 10.618 7.802 No of observations 19 55 150 Source: Calculated by author Table: 13 Before and after real export growth (1980-2007) Country Before reforms After reforms Mean Median Stand Dev Mean Median Stand Dev Argentina 2.725 2.583 9.524 8.246 7.647 7.088 Bangladesh 7.167 7.899 9.510 11.655 13.222 8.506 Brazil 11.088 14.332 12.912 8.160 9.250 5.626 Chile 3.476 4.716 8.498 8.801 8.148 3.512 India 5.933 7.250 6.108 13.251 13.782 9.987 Pakistan 9.789 11.990 13.201 7.765 7.573 11.317 Sri Lanka 5.954 4.999 3.359 6.638 6.263 5.307 Venezuela -0.850 -3.101 10.175 2.664 5.754 8.857 Source: Calculated by author Exports analysis of average real export growth across the 8 countries since 1980 given in Table 12 shows that export growth performance is significantly stronger the greater the degree of reform across the sample as a whole. The t-statistic at the 20 per cent level for the difference in means between 2 and 3 is 1.75 but that for 1 and 2 is 0.123. The country-specific comparisons of export growth in periods of before and after comparisions, gives a clear picture. For 6 of the countries (Argentina, Bangladesh, Chile, India, Sri Lanka and Venezuela) export growth appears to be greater during periods of after reform than during before reform. Indias main success in trade reform has been in the area of tariffs. In 1990-91, the unweighted average tariff was 125 per cent. That figure came down to 71 percent in 1993-94. The peak tariff rate in 1990 was an unbelievably high 355 percent. The peak rate in 1993-94 came down to 85 per cent. In 1995 the highest rate of tariff was further reduced t o 50 percent and it was only 18 percent in 2004. Moreover Export promotion schemes are also being pursued with more than usual vigor. Only Brazil and Pakistan exhibit Weak export growth rates during periods of strong reform than when reform is not being adopted. A main argument of this review is that the control regime resulted in bad performance, but while the evidence that market-based reform is the best alternative is sufficient, this is so in relation to export performance. Control group analyses e.g. Adjustment in Africa (World Bank 1994) and Kirkpatrick and Weiss (1995) find that countries engaging in macro-economic policy reform, and in particular trade liberalisation, experience faster growth in real exports. And these simple control-group analyses can in fact adequately control for other factors, and so the results can clearly demonstrate the positive impact of reforms. The case studies also find positive effects. Husain and Faruqee (1994) report strong export growth in the case studies in the companion volume, despite declining terms of trade, and all but Burundi have achieved some success in diversification. On the other hand, Sahn et al. (1994) find mixed results from the case studies where reforms have been implemented. On the other hand the picture is far less positive with respect to debt, the debt burden having increased in many countries. Large aid inflows have tended to increase the debt burden rather than reduce it; although bilateral aid is virtually all grant aid, the substantial inflows from the international financial institutions are not. Table 14 shows that the total debt burden has risen in all countries. Table: 14 Total long-term debt (Period average, US$ billions) 1980-84 1985-89 1990-94 1995-99 2000-04 2005-06 Argentina 27.8992 48.2506 52.7302 91.8722 122.336 78.28317 Bangladesh 4.20178 8.40382 12.926 14.9476 16.7164 18.09767 Brazil 74.053 97.0186 104.9232 170.548 189.608 158.4533 Chile 13.5523 16.7214 15.7376 23.9212 34.4018 38.785 India 21.941 46.7864 81.2144 89.6896 103.394 116.935 Pakistan 9.2423 12.9838 19.9136 27.2814 30.619 30.72017 Sri Lanka 1.83248 3.8743 5.9005 7.71406 8.90006 10.27893 Venezuela 19.54 29.6404 29.4056 31.5568 30.751 34.592 Source: World Development Indicators 4 Economic Impact of Adjustment Policies: By Key Sectors 4.1 Agricultural Supply Response Economic performance at the sectoral level, particularly in agriculture and industry, is crucial to success of the economy in coping with changing economic circumstances brought about by macro-economic reform. There is also a gender aspect to this analysis since in many low-income countries, particularly in South Asia, women are responsible for the vast majority of agricultural labour. The impact of adjustment policies on agriculture is therefore an issue of great importance for gender relations and a proper analysis and appreciation of gender relations should inform the design of agricultural policy. Historically, developing countries have tended to tax their agricultural sectors through trade and pricing policies, often to keep food prices low for the benefit of the urban population and to generate export tax revenue. Schiff and Valdes (1992) have shown that these policies have resulted in a slowdown in agricultural sector growth and in overall economic growth, with industrial and macro-economic policies often having a greater impact than more direct, sector-specific measures. Table: 15 Average growth of real agricultural value added by Type of Reformers (1980 to 2007) 1 2 3 Mean 3.894 2.658 3.339 Median 3.658 2.608 3.166 Standard deviation 4.171 4.707 4.179 No of Observations 19 55 150 Source: Calculated by author One of the objectives behind adjustment is to reduce the level of indirect taxation of agriculture through trade liberalisation and removing price controls. The success or failure of orthodox adjustment programmes could be said to center on the supply response of agriculture to adjustment measures given the significance of agriculture in these economies for exports, domestic food supply and hence for inflation. Measures such as currency devaluation, reduced export taxes and lower input prices (through reduced domestic industrial protection, although a countervailing effect can come from the removal of subsidies) have attempted to increase the relative prices and profitability of agricultural and other tradable goods. Table 15 gives an analysis of average growth of real agricultural value added across the countries. From the results shown, it is evident that there is no significant difference in growth rates between weak reform, moderate and strong reform periods. Looking at the country specific results in Table 16 Brazil, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and, Venezuela exhibit strongest growth rates in real agricultural value added during periods of before reform. For Argentina, Bangladesh and Chile the strongest the reform implementation the greatest the rate of growth. Table: 16 Before and after comparisons of growth of real agricultural value added (1980-2007) Country Before reforms After reforms Mean Median Stand Dev Mean Median Stand Dev Argentina 0.973 0.167 4.068 3.052 4.097 4.846 Bangladesh 2.322 1.013 3.018 2.891 2.530 1.932 Brazil 4.175 3.370 7.055 3.263 4.100 2.763 Chile 2.292 3.786 4.110 5.286 6.248 4.944 India 4.396 1.483 5.801 2.698 2.448 4.551 Pakistan 4.303 4.405 3.841 3.901 4.567 4.170 Sri Lanka 2.925 2.629 4.348 1.339 1.900 2.608 Venezuela 3.631 3.976 3.948 2.715 2.022 5.282 Source: Calculated by author 4.2 Manufacturing Performance under Adjustment Pre-adjustment policies gave support to a heavily protected manufacturing sector, much of which was in state hands, through heavy tariffs, sometimes so high as to allow the firm a domestic monopoly, and both direct and implicit subsidies, such as receiving foreign exchange allocations at overvalued exchange rates. In general, state-owned firms faced a soft budget constraint. As adjustment is about achieving a more efficient allocation of resources, the process should entail moving resources out of such activities, i.e. a reduction of output and employment. Table: 17 Control group comparison of policy impact on manufacturing growth by Type of Reformers (1980 to 2007) 1 2 3 Mean 6.436 3.266 18462. Median 7.033 4.662 5.258 Standard deviation 3.727 6.385 226066.5 No of Observations 19 55 150 Source: Calculated by author The results of the analysis are presented in Tables 17 and 18. Table 17 reports the simple mean and median values of manufacturing growth in the countries using the classification by policy episodes described earlier. At first glance these results appear to lend support to the view that market-based reforms in fact have has a negative impact on manufacturing growth. A more mixed picture emerges from the country-level before and after analysis in Table 18. Countries with a positive message: Bangladesh (where growth has come from liberalization permitting rapid growth in textiles, rather than successful restructuring of the old state owned sector), Sri Lanka be added to this list, having had high growth throughout the period, which may be characterised by an increasingly liberal regime. It is important that the period under study is characterized by widespread trade and financial reforms in Latin America, to which the manufacturing sector responded by promoting cost reduction strategies in order to maintain some degree of competitiveness. These strategies in most cases involved cuts in employment levels, and this can cause an upward bias in the levels of labor productivity. Second, it is important to stress that there is a large degree of heterogeneity in the national experiences across the countries in the sample. In most of the cases, the shares of manufactures in GDP and exports have declined over the last two decades, in favor of agriculture (Argentina) or mining/oil (Venezuela). In some countries the patterns of specialization remained fairly stable. Table: 18 Before and After Comparisons of Manufacturing Growth (1980-2007) Country Before reforms After reforms Mean Median Stand Dev Mean Median Stand Dev Argentina -1.144 -2.685 7.593 2.758 4.645 8.307 Bangladesh 4.667 4.373 2.985 10.941 10.204 3.012 Brazil 1.783 0.946 7.451 145724.200 1.700 635193.000 Chile 0.127 3.096 12.132 4.958 5.241 3.565 India 6.942 6.959 3.060 1.651 1.609 0.677 Pakistan 8.400 7.885 2.649 8.826 7.999 3.132 Sri Lanka 5.714 5.184 3.432 33.673 30.536 17.483 Venezuela 2.323 3.432 3.998 2.035 1.854 0.796 Source: Calculated by author In several countries (Bangladesh and Sri Lanka) industrial growth has been partly based on the creation of new enterprises in more labor intensive sectors rather than successful restructuring of existing enterprises, though there has been some of that in the Sri Lankan case. 4. CONCLUDING REMARKS In this paper market-oriented policy reform has taken place in the 8 countries under consideration. Have these changes had beneficial effects on economic performance is the question to be investigated in this paper? For a very large number of indicators reviewed, performance has been better in reforming economies in some cases while it is unsatisfactory in others. Although there are deficiencies in both control-group and before and after analysis, these results are both strong and consistent, suggesting that there is something going on here. But care must be exercised in deciding what that something is. This paper has a few important findings to report. First, in spite of problems of implementation, many less developed countries of South Asia and Latin America have undertaken significant policy reforms during the 1990s, particularly trade liberalization, pricing and marketing reform, and the creation of a policy regime favorable to foreign direct investment. The national policy environment at the end of the 1990s in many less developed countries is thus very different from maintaining a given level of net transfers to a country involved high transaction costs associated with the continual negotiation of the proportion of scheduled debt payments to be serviced from the country’s own resources that at the end of the 1980s. It has moved decisively in the direction of economic liberalization. Second the impact of economic reforms in South Asia on the policy environment presents a mixed picture. The industrial and trade policy reforms have gone far, though they need to be supplemented by labor market reforms which are a critical missing link. The logic of liberalization also needs to be extended to agriculture, where numerous restrictions remain in place. Reforms aimed at encouraging private investment in infrastructure have worked in some areas but not in others. The complexity of the problems in this area has been underestimated, especially in the power sector. This has now been recognized and policies are being reshaped accordingly. Progress has been made in several areas of financial sector reforms, though some of the critical issues relating to government ownership of the banks remain to be addressed. However, the outcome in the fiscal area shows a worse situation at the date than at the start. Thirdly, our results would also support a case for more extensive structural and institutional reforms that is, for broadening the scope of reform because pushing macroeconomic reforms to the levels of performance achieved in the faster- growing. The policy debates triggered by the crises and lagging economic performance in Latin America have not produced a clear â€Å"winner,† much less a new consensus. In this regard, they differ from the debates of the 1980s, which led to the â€Å"Washington consensus,† a set of policy prescriptions that was widely supported by policymakers and economists both in the region and outside. Most economists and policymakers including many that continue to believe that stabilization and liberalization were the right policy prescriptions in the 1980s and early 1990s will now take the view that the â€Å"Washington consensus† agenda needs to be either augmented or replaced. Finally, new prescriptive ideas on reforms have tended to be realistic, emphasizing that reforms need to be modified to country circumstances. For example, the work on â€Å"Politics of Policies† sponsored by the Inter-American Development Bank starts with the premise that weak institutions are a common problem in Latin America, but argues that the solutions might be quite different across countries, depending on the â€Å"political game† that is currently in place. In the same vein, Hausmann, Rodrik, and Velasco’s (2005) â€Å"growth diagnostics† approach argues that the binding constraints to growth in Latin America might be completely different across countries, and that the key to successful reforms lies in correctly identifying this constraint on a case-by-case basis. REFERENCES o Beinefeld, M., 1995, Structural Adjustment and Tanzanias Peasantry: assessing the likely long-term impact, pp88-130 in Jamal 1995 o Bhaduri, A. and Skarstein R., 1996, ‘Short-Period Macro-economic Aspects of Foreign Aid’, Cambridge Journal of Economics, Vol 20 No 2: 195-206 o Bryceson, D., 1999, ‘African Rural Labour, Income Diversification and Livelihood Approaches: a long term development perspective’, Review of African Political Economy, Vol 80: 171-89 o Bryceson, D., Kaye, C. and Mooij, J. (eds), 1999, Disappearing Peasantries? Rural Labour in Africa, Asia and Latin America, London: Intermediate Technology Publications o Caballero, Ricardo and Stavros Panageas (2006), â€Å"Hedging Sudden Stops and Precautionary Contractions,† Journal of Development Economics, August. o Calvo, Guillermo and Ernesto Talvi (2005), â€Å"Sudden Stop, Financial Factors and Economic Collapse in Latin America: Learning From Argentina and Chile,† NBER Working Paper 11153. o Easterly, W. and Levine, R., 1997, ‘Africa’s Growth Tragedy: Policies and Ethnic Divisions’, Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol CXII No 4: 1,203-50 o Easterly, W. and Rebelo, S., 1993, ‘Fiscal Policy and Economic Growth: An Empirical Investigation’, Journal of Monetary Economics, Vol 32 No 3: 417-58 o Economist Intelligence Unit, 1999a, Country Profile Guinea-Bissau 1998/1999, London: EIU 1999b, Country Profile Eritrea, Somalia, Djibouti 1998/1999, London: EIU 1999c, Country Profile Sri Lanka 1998/1999, London: EIU 1999d, Country Profile Kenya 1998/1999, London: EIU o Eichengreen, Barry, and Ricardo Hausmann, eds. (2005) Other Peoples Money: Debt Denomination and Financial Instability in Emerging Market Economies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. o Engberg-Pedersen, P., Gibbon, P., Raikes, P. and Udholt, L. (eds), 1996, Limits of Adjustment in Africa, Oxford: James Currey / Portsmouth: Heinemann: 141-214 o Goldstein, M. and Montiel, P., 1986, ‘Evaluating Fund Stabilisation Programmes with multicountry data: some methodological pitfalls’, IMF Staff Papers, Vol 32 No 2: 304-44 o Guhan, S. and Nagaraj, K., 1995, ‘Adjustment, Employment and Equity in India’, Employment Papers 4, Geneva: International Labour Office Employment Department o Hanmer, L., Pyatt, G. and White, H., 1999, ‘What do the World Bank’s Poverty Assessments teach us about poverty in sub-Saharan Africa?’, Development and Change, Vol 30 No 4: 795-823 o Horton, S., Kanbur, R. and Mazumdar, D., 1994, Labor markets in an Era of Adjustment, Washington, D.C.: Economic Development Institute o Husain, I. and Faruqee, R., 1994, ‘Adjustment in Seven African countries’, in I. Husain and R. Faruqee (eds), 1994, Adjustment in Africa: lessons from country case studies, Washington, D.C.: World Bank: 1-10 o Imbs, Jean M., and Romain Rancià ¨re. (2005), â€Å"The Overhang Hangover,† Policy Research Working Paper no. 3673, World Bank, Washington, DC. o Jamal, V., 1995, Structural Adjustment and Rural Labour Markets in Africa, London: Macmillan Press o Kanji, N., 1995, ‘Gender, Poverty and Economic Adjustment in Harare, Zimbabwe’, Environment and Urbanisation, Vol 7 No 1: 37-54 o Killick, T., 1995, ‘Structural Adjustment and Poverty Alleviation: an interpretative survey’, Development and Change, Vol 26 No 2: 305-31 1999, ‘Making Adjustment Work for the Poor’, ODI Poverty Briefing No 5 May 1999, London: Overseas Development Institute o Krishnan P., Selassie, T.G. and Dercon, S., 1998, The Urban Labour Market During Structural Adjustment: Ethiopia 1990–1997, DPS 98.17, Università © Catholique de Louvain: Center for Economic Studies o Lall, S., 1995, ‘Structural Adjustment and African Industry’, World Development, Vol 23 No 12: 2,019–31 o Levine, R. and Zervos, S., 1993, ‘What Have We Learned about Policy and Growth from Cross- Country Regressions?’, American Economic Review Papers and Proceedings, Vol 83 No 2: 426-30 o Matin, K. and Wasow, B., 1992, ‘Adjustment and Private Investment in Kenya’, IBRD Policy Research Working Papers No 878, Washington DC: World Bank o Mosley, P., Harrigan, J. and Toye, J., 1991, Aid and Power: the World Bank and policy-based lending, Vol I, London: Routledge o Otani, I. and Villanueva, D., 1990, ‘Long Term Growth in Developing Countries and its Determinants: an empirical analysis’, World Development, Vol 18 No 6: 769-83 o Rodrik D., 1999, ‘The New Global Economy and Developing Countries: making openness work’,Overseas Development Council Policy Essay No 24, Washington, D.C.: Johns Hopkins University Press for the Overseas Development Council o Roemer, D., 1996, Advanced Macro-economics, New York: McGraw Hill o Sahn, D., Dorosh, P. and Younger, S., 1994, ‘Economic Reform in Africa: a foundation for poverty alleviation’, Cornell Food and Nutrition Policy Program Working Paper No 72, Ithaca: Cornell Food and Nutrition Policy Program o Sala-i-Martin, X., 1997, ‘I Just Ran Two Million Regressions’, American Economic Review Papers and Proceedings, Vol 87 No 2: 178-83 o Savvides, A., 1995, ‘Economic Growth in Africa’, World Development, Vol 23 No 3: 449-58 o Schiff, M. and Valdes, A., 1992, The political economy of agricultural price intervention in Latin America, San Francisco: International Center for Economic Growth ICS Press o Stewart, F., 1994, ‘Are Short-term Policies Consistent with Long-term Development Needs in Africa?’ in Cornia and Helleiner (1994): 98-128 o Stiglitz, J., 1998, Towards a New Paradigm for Development: strategies, policies and processes, 1998 Prebisch Lecture, mimeo o Toye, J., 1994, ‘Structural Adjustment: context, assumptions, origin and diversity’ in R. van der Hoeven and F. van der Kraaij, Structural Adjustment and Beyond in sub-Saharan Africa, London: James Currey Ltd o Williams, G., 1994, ‘Why Structural Adjustment is Necessary and Why Doesn’t it Work?’, Review of African Political Economy, Vol 60 No 21: 214-25 o World Bank, 1994, Adjustment in Africa: reforms, results and the road ahead, Oxford: Oxford University Press, for the World Bank 1995, Strengthening the Effectiveness of Aid: lessons for donors, Washington, D.C.: World Bank o World Bank World Development Indicators, 2007, CD-Rom, Washington, D.C.: World Bank Research Papers on Impact of Structural Adjustment on Economic PerformanceInfluences of Socio-Economic Status of Married MalesPETSTEL analysis of IndiaDefinition of Export QuotasIncorporating Risk and Uncertainty Factor in CapitalRiordan Manufacturing Production PlanResearch Process Part OneAssess the importance of Nationalism 1815-1850 EuropeOpen Architechture a white paperBionic Assembly System: A New Concept of SelfAnalysis of Ebay Expanding into Asia

The History of the Invention of Blue Jeans and Denim

The History of the Invention of Blue Jeans and Denim In 1853, the California gold rush was in full swing, and everyday items were in short supply. Levi Strauss, a 24-year-old German immigrant, left New York for San Francisco with a small supply of dry goods with the intention of opening a branch of his brothers New York dry goods business. Shortly after his arrival, a prospector wanted to know what Mr. Levi Strauss was selling. When Strauss told him he had a rough canvas to use for tents and wagon covers, the prospector said, You should have brought pants! saying he couldn’t find a pair of pants strong enough to last. Denim Blue Jeans Levi Strauss had the canvas made into waist overalls. Miners liked the pants but complained that they tended to chafe. Levi Strauss substituted a twilled cotton cloth from France called serge de Nimes. The fabric later became known as denim and the pants were nicknamed blue jeans. Levi Strauss Company In 1873, Levi Strauss Company began using the pocket stitch design. Levi Strauss and a Reno Nevada-based Latvian tailor by the name of Jacob Davis co-patented the process of putting rivets in pants for strength. On May 20, 1873, they received U.S.Patent No.139,121. This date is now considered the official birthday of blue jeans. Levi Strauss asked Jacob Davis to come to San Francisco to oversee the first manufacturing facility for waist overalls, as the original jeans were known as. The two-horse brand design was first used in 1886. The red tab attached to the left rear pocket was created in 1936 as a means of identifying Levi’s jeans at a distance. All are registered trademarks that are still in use.

Introduction to GPS and static positioning Essay

Introduction to GPS and static positioning - Essay Example The system was introduced by the US military but today anyone can access its services through the use of a GPS receiver (McNamara, 52). The satellite system uses a trilateration principle to determine the location of the receiver (Maini and Varsha, 428). In three dimension trilateration, the requirement for the system to generate the exact location of the receiver is a direct line of signal from at least three satellites and the distance between a receiver and the satellites (Maini and Varsha, 411). These details are obtained by the receiver from analyzing the high frequency radio signals from the satellites. This distance is derived from a calculation of the time used by the frequencies to travel from one satellite to the receiver on a location that is on earth. This measurement is only possible if the time in both the satellite and the receiver are synchronized. Otherwise the delay would not give an accurate value of the distances obtained. To synchronize the time in space and the time in the atmosphere where gravity pulls are varied requires both the receiver and the satellite to have atomic clocks. However atomic clocks are very expensive and as such, the GPS system uses an error correction method that involves the fourth satellite. From the fourth satellites transmission of signals, the inaccuracy in trilatration is appropriately adjusted (Maini and Varsha, 308). The calculation for the error adjustment by the receiver is repeated several times to make the receiver just as effective without the atomic watch for synchronization. Further errors are bound to arise in the process of calculating the distance and location of the receiver. These include the effect of delays of signals in different layers of the atmosphere. However, the speed of electromagnetic waves is not affected and travels at the same speed as that of light. In different substances, the speed is considerably reduced. These variations in the speed of the waves are

Tourism and the Economy Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Tourism and the Economy - Research Paper Example What are the strategies important for the development of tourism industry? What are the factors that may influence the growth tourism industry? Literature review Economic importance of tourism industry According to UNWTO (1) â€Å"In 2011, international tourism receipts exceeded US$ 1 trillion for the first time, up from US$ 928 billion in 2010.† Tourism industry as a growing service sector is diversified and includes hotels, airlines and other transportation, resorts, parks, shopping malls, motels and entertainment venues. It could be observed from the World Tourism Barometer furnished by UNWTO (2), that the growth of tourism industry in BRIC countries has been phenomenal during the year 2011 with Brazil at 29.5% (Rank from 18 to 12), Russia at 22.1% (9 to 7), India at 32.9% (24 to 22) and China at 32.2% (no change) with US and Euro zone though positive with less than 10% growth. Growth of tourism is largely linked to recent economic growth in these economies. For some small countries like Singapore, Dubai and Fiji, tourism industry is the major source of foreign exchange. Tourism sector plays an important role in employment generation. UNWTO (3) stated â€Å"Participants at a major United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD XIII) have underscored the role of tourism as a vital service sector, contributing to GDP and employment in developed and developing countries alike.† Stability and growth in earnings in this sector would lend flexibility in management of balance of payments position of a country, if the potential of this industry is recognized and necessary initiatives taken by the government for its growth. Development of tourism industry The growth in international trade and businesses due to globalization is closely linked to the development of tourism industry. The tourism industries of emerging economies like China and India have been benefited greatly by industrial developments. However, marketing in respect of individu al companies in the industry should be backed up with effective planning and establishment of standards and communication facilities for sustainable future growth. The standards adopted in the industry and the categorization of customers or services offered underwent significant changes over time. Sharpley and Telfer (2008, p. 27) stated â€Å"Approaches to tourism development, then, have evolved over time from traditional, modernist economic growth models through to sustainable approaches that attempt to balance tourism as a profit-driven, resource-hungry activity with the developmental needs of destination environments and communities.† Diversity in workplace is very important for meeting the demands of the customers with different cultural and social backgrounds. The unique feature of this industry is that the languages spoken and customs, habits and behaviors of the customers vary significantly. Also, the types of services offered are multifarious from catering and lodgin g to recreation, health, sports, travelling and event management. Therefore, role of HRD in recruitment, placement and training is very important. Retaining and attracting talents to businesses is a challenge to the industry. The tourism industry has successfully weathered the European financial crisis. Economic growth in the developing countries is expected to help industry’s growth. Convergence of technology and emergence of social networks have acted as a catalyst for the business growth

Biology of food Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Biology of food - Essay Example Insulin and leptin regulate food intake and body weight, thus consumption of high fructose corn syrup sauce contributes to increased energy ingestion and weight gain. This is because high fructose corn syrup is absorbed faster than general sugar (glucose) and it does not fuel the manufacture of insulin or leptin. This prevents body signals triggers for being full and leads to over consumption of calories consumed. Consumption of this sauce leads to the body storing the excess calories as fat. This fat storage is commonly evident with the increase of obesity rates and other diseases i.e. diabetes in America. 2.So here's our cow Rupert, trudging down to the Rio Grande, then back up to the plains to graze.   Nivanka starts trying to visualize what's going on in his leg muscles. Muscle tissue is disseminated almost everywhere in the body. Muscles are responsible for the movement of materials within and throughout the body. Muscles contain 4 unique characteristics: elasticity, extensibi lity, contractility, and excitability. Each skeletal muscle is made up of fascicles; which are bundles of muscle fibers. Muscle fibers have myofibrils; which are composed of myofilaments. Actin and myosin are located in muscle fibers. They play a role in muscle contraction; producing movement. In regard to muscle movement, the protein heads of myosin cross- bridges connect to an actin binding region and bend slightly; heaving actin filaments with it. This aids the muscle in movement production. Tropomyosin covers up the regions of attachment when the muscle is not contracting. ATP helps muscles to perform their functions. ATP is made by the muscles. The following steps make ATP: creatine phosphate is broken down by the addition of ADP to create ATP. Second step: Anaerobic respiration is carried out; glucose is broken down to lactic acid ATP is formed. Third step: Aerobic respiration is carried out, glucose, fats, amino acids, and glycogen is broken down in the existence of oxygen to create ATP. Energy obtained from ATP is used to reorganize the myosin cross- bridge protein head and liberate the actin filaments. The force of contraction in a muscle cell is generated by the cyclic interaction of two proteins, namely actin and myosin. The free energy that drives this reaction is obtained from the hydrolysis of ATP. ATP binding provokes a conformational revolutionization in myosin that deteriorates its actin affinity and causes myosin to detach from actin. ATP is hydrolyzed to ADP and inorganic phosphate , and the hydrolysis products linger bound to myosin. Myosin rebinds to actin and the energy generating power-stroke convoys subsequent phosphate release. ADP is released, and the cycle reiterates upon ATP binding. When ATP connects to the myosin nucleotide location of an actomyosin complex, the myosin is quickly released from the actin filament. Myosin splits the ATP, and the myosin-products multifaceted rebinds to actin, pursued by product release. No, Rupert wo uld not get very far as he would run out of ATP quickly. This is because the up and down activity requires energy. Energy is used in the form of ATP. In the absence of ATP, myosin binds tightly to actin. 3. Fortunately, there's more going on in cow muscles.   A molecule of glucose enters the cell.   Things happen to it in the cytoplasm.   Describe those things, taking care to mention: The following are the enzymes responsible for activities that take place when a molecule of gluco

Roots of Hindu-Muslim Tension in India

Roots of Hindu-Muslim Tension in India India has had a long history of religious violence, stemming as early as the Middle Ages when Muslim expansion spread into the Indian peninsula to the British Invasion of the middle 19th century. Various events throughout history have contributed to the tension between the Hindus and the Muslims; some Indians converted to Islam to lessen tension, but the fragile coexistence between Indian Hindus and Indian Muslims continually gave way to violence between the two groups.       As basic context, Hinduism is considered one of the worlds oldest religions. It predates Christianity and Islam by centuries. Hinduism is a difficult religion to understand because it doesnt have a strictly structured set of beliefs. In more ways than one, Hinduism is inclusive of other religions, such as Christianity, Jainism, Buddhism, etc. It is often considered more of a way of life or a philosophical set of beliefs rather than a religion as other faiths would be considered to be. Hinduism views life as a cycle of birth, death, and rebirth, with Karma acting as a guiding force. Islam is a monotheistic religion based on the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, who lived between 570-632 BCE. Followers of Islam are called Muslims and Muslims worship the Supreme Being, Allah, and follow his revelations contained in their sacred text, the Quran. This history of Hindu-Muslim tension has mostly been studied in political sciences, as it is one of the most striking examples of Indian Politics, and the question of how and why riots occur has been a pressing issue for years. However, such history is also discussed in religious- studies professors, such as Valerie Stoker, a religion philosophy and classics professor at Wright State University. Her book, Polemics, and Patronage in the City of Victory: VyÄ satÄ «rtha, Hindu Sectarianism, and the Sixteenth-Century Vijayanagara Court, uses the Vijayanagara Court as a way to understand the dynamic interaction between religious and royal institutions during the time period of 1346-1565. While Stokers main question is how did the patronage activities of Indias Vijayanagara Empire (c. 1346-1565) influence Hindu sectarian identities?, she addresses that the Vijayanagara Court was actually very selective in its patronage of religious institutions. The Vijayanagara Court was the precolonial Southern Indian primary political power, with Vijayanagara, meaning city of victory for its status as the center for emerging global economy. It attracted merchants and business from Europe, Africa, and the Middle East. Because of the wealth Vijayanagara Court had acquired by the early 1500s, it had become one of the greatest and most diverse urban populations of the world. Due to the increased interest from the Middle East and invasion of northern India, it was primarily known as a Hindu wall against Muslim invasion. Geographically, Vijayanagara Court was located in the center of the country, encompassing people primarily of the Hindu and Christian faiths, as shown in Map 1. In Map 1, the region that is indicated by Vijayanagara is the only region that is still primarily Hindu and Christian, and its important to note that all of the other regions above have been marked with Muslim invasions, such as: Faruqi Imad Shahi Nizam Shahi Barid Shahi Qutb Shahi Shitab Khan The origins of the Vijayanagara Court have been noted to be the result of the Sangama Dynasty of 1336-1337, in which the rulers, Harihara I and Bukka Raya I, were commanders-in-chief when stationed in the Hoysala Empire to ward off the Muslims during the early invasion attempts of South India. The Hoysala Empire was the last of the Hindu states that survived the invasion at that time. However, these origins are not confirmed, but Stoker claims that after the death of Hoysala king, Veera Ballala III, during a battle against the Sultan of Madurai in 1343, the Hoysala Empire merged with the growing Vijayanagara empire. Until 1509, the Vijayanagara Court warded off five invasions from the Deccan Sultanates, five dynasties combined into one large empire. These five dynasties included the Muslim-ruled late medieval kingdoms of Bijapur, Golkonda, Ahmadnagar, Bidar, and Berar of south-central India. This Sultanate seems to be what caused bitter relations between the Hindu and the Muslims bec ause at this point in time, beginning 1500 AD, India went through an extensive period of religious violence at the hands of the Sultans Army. Of the two sects of Islam, the perpetrators were Sunni Muslim and the primary victims were Hindus. Between the years of 1000 and 1500, the population of the Indian subcontinent had decreased by eighty million. Even the Hindus that has converted to Islam were not spared in the violence. Stoker primarily focuses on South India, and religion is mainly discussed in the chapter called Hindu, Ecumenical, Sectarian: Religion and the Vijayanagara Court, in which the above information stems from. However, it is important to note that the Vijayanagara Court in itself, as a strong Hindu Empire, had strict rules on which sect of Hinduism would primarily be followed and which sect had the governing power during the reign. Within Hinduism itself, there are many sects. These sects, since Hinduism has no central doctrine, follow traditions and beliefs in accordance of the three main gods: Shiva, Vishnu, and Brahma. Shiva, being The Destroyer, Vishnu, being The Protector, and Brahma, being The Creator. The Hindu denominations who follow Brahma as their guiding force, are the ones that considered to be the most pure and the utmost followers of Hinduism. Historically, the Brahmins; followers of Brahma, were primarily the royalty or upper middle class. So, the Vijayanagara Court were also strong Brahmins, and Vijayanagara royals religious patronage played a critical role in shaping the various practical mechanisms that enabled the empire to function (Stoker, Chapter 6). Now, it is important to note that the Vijayanagara Court wasnt always governed by the Brahmins. Originally, when the empire was created, the founders, Harihara I and Bukka Raya I, were strong devotees of Shiva. Despite their sectarian preferences, the Vijayanagara rulers, on the whole, adopted the deliberate policy of tolerance towards all sects to incorporate them all within the policy. The next ruler after Harihara and Bukka Raya, Devaraya II, took over the empire and was deemed the most successful of all of the rulers that had power over the Vijayanagara Court. Devoutly religious, Devaraya II endowed Sri Vaishnava temples at Srirangam and Tirumalai, and favored Jain institutions in the capital and elsewhere since the highest form of devotion was found in intricate temples. Most importantly, Devaraya II employed Muslims in his army and allowed them to practice their religion freely. Thus, Vijayanagara royals well-maintained Indian traditions of tolerance and inclusivism that nevertheless privileged specific religious formations. That is quite different from European states in the same period, which, for the most part, waited until the Enlightenment to recognize the political value of religious tolerance. Yet while in some ways, these enlightened Indian attitudes toward religious diversity. To contrast the heavy emphasis on precolonial South India that Valerie Stoker places in her monograph, Audrey Truschke, a postdoctoral fellow at Stanford University, discusses the Northern Indian aspect of the Hindu-Muslim tension in a chapter of her new book, Culture of Encounters: Sanskrit at the Mughal Court. Truschke argues that most of the religious conflict India is fueled by ideological assumptions about that period [medieval times] rather than an accurate rendering of the subcontinents history. In pages 27-63, Truschke discusses the influence of Brahmins in the Mughal Empire, which was the primary governing Islamic empire of the North. The Mughal Empire was about a century later than the Vijayanagara Court, ruling during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, founded near the end of the Vijayanagara Court, in 1526. Babur was the founder of the Mughal Empire, and subsequently its first ruler. He invaded India from Central Asia with only 12,000 men, and defeated many larger armies, eventually forming the Mughal Empire. Humayun, Baburs son, lost control of his empire soon after taking the throne. With the help of his Persian advisors, Humayun regained his empire and even expanded to the South and East. It is important to note here the Persian influence and the help of Persian and Central Asian advisors straightened what was to be a long lasting cultural impact from the subcontinents western neighbors. Later during his reign, the presence of Persian advisors was a constant feature of his court. The Emperor Akbar the Great, who ruled the Mughal Empire from 1556 to 1605, was one of the most important Mughal rulers for fostering religious cohesion amongst Muslims and Hindus. His trusted friend and advisor, Abul Fazl, wrote a book, the Akbarnama (Truschke, Chapter 4), describing the rule of emperor Akbar including Akbars religious views and policies toward Hindus. Abul Fazl wrote a lot about the interactions and policies that the Muslim government established in response to the Hindu majority. This shows the tolerance of the Muslim leadership toward another religion in order to keep power peacefully. The text even talks about the similarities in the religions. The tolerance and acceptance shown to the Hindus by the Muslim rulers of the time were a politically savvy move. Ruling an empire where the majority of the population did not have the same religious views as the ruling class presented many obstacles, and required the Mughal rulers to practice religious sensitivity in orde r to maintain power. However, what is interesting about Truschkes argument in the first chapter of her book is that she also finds it important to highlight that the Muslim invasion wasnt all negative. While it is not to lessen the negative impact of Muslim Invasion on the Indian subcontinent, it is also important to note that Muslim rule in India from the 16th to 18th centuries was, in fact, one of tremendous cross-cultural respect and fertilization, not religious or cultural conflict. She said her research overturns the assumption that the Mughals were hostile to traditional Indian literature or knowledge systems. In fact, her findings reveal how Mughals supported and engaged with Indian thinkers and ideas. Early modern-era Muslims were, in fact, deeply interested in traditional Indian learning, which is largely housed in Sanskrit, says Truschke. For example, in the Vijayanagara Court, Brahmins were the primary governing Hindu denomination; similarly, in the Mughal Empire, the Brahmins had detailed interactions with the intellectuals of the Mughal Empire. The Brahmins became influential members of the empire through composing Sanskrit works for Mughal readers and through writing about their imperial experiences. Through this observation, it seems as though Truschke looks at the Hindu-Muslim interaction in a precolonial era of the Indian subcontinent more positively than in contrast to the more common, media-based views that assume that Muslim interaction and presence has always been malicious to Indian religions, languages, and culture. This example of Mughal artwork depicts Emperor Akbar presiding over discussions in the Hall of Religious Debate, ca. 1600. (Image credit: Chester Beatty Library, Dublin). The original painting is found in Dublin, and naturally, the image has been cleaned through computer graphics. This artwork is found in The Akbarnama. Akbarnama means Book of Akbar and it is an official, imperial biography, written by Akbars close friend and associate, Abul Fazl, who was mentioned earlier in this essay. In the illustrations to the text, Akbar is portrayed as a powerful, versatile, and heroic figure, as he seems to have been perceived by his contemporaries. In this painting, however, another aspect of the emperors personality is portrayed: his intense curiosity about other religions. Akbar is shown in the midst of a theological debate with Jesuit missionaries in his Ibadat Khana, or House of Worship. Hindu-Muslim has long been a source of conflict in India and the Indian subcontinent as a whole. While it was not discussed in this paper, religious violence began as early as the 7th century with the earliest of Muslim invasions, and that time onwards, the conflicts have only risen. From the Vijayanagara Court to the Mughal Empires, hundreds of invasions and wars have been fought. The Mughal Empire was the precursor to the British Empire, who brought a new wave of imperialism once again in the Indian subcontinent. This occurs in the beginning of the 19th century. The British benefited from pitting Hindus and Muslims against one another and portrayed themselves as neutral saviors who could keep ancient religious conflicts at bay. While colonialism ended in the 1940s, the modern Hindu right has found tremendous political value in continuing to proclaim and create endemic Hindu-Muslim conflict. More of the British invasion, and the Partition of 1947 will later be discussed in paper two . Works Cited:    Fazl, Abul. Akbar and the Jesuits. 1600-03 India. Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, Ireland. Chester Beatty Library Image Gallery. Chester Beatty Library. Web. 14 Feb. 2017.http://www.cbl.ie/cbl_image_gallery/collection/detail.aspx?imageId=99ImageNumber=T0004641collectionId=2page=8>. Mughal Artwork from the Akbarnama book written by Abul Fazl Truschke, Audrey. Culture of Encounters: Sanskrit at the Mughal Court. Columbia University Press, 2016, www.jstor.org/stable/10.7312/trus17362. Stoker, Valerie. Polemics and Patronage in the City of Victory: Vyasatirtha, Hindu Sectarianism, and the Sixteenth-Century Vijayanagara Court. Oakland, California, University of California Press, 2016, www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1kc6jt3.

Melvilles Characters/comparison Of Captain Ahab And Billy Budd :: essays research papers

Melville’s Characters   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Melville’s characters are distinct individuals that have some similarities and differences. There are three traits that tie Captain Ahab and Billy Budd together even though they are on different sides in the fight between Good and Evil. They each have communication problems that play a part in their deaths. Neither of them can see an issue from another point of view, nor can they be influenced by others, although for entirely different reasons. Ahab and Billy share a few traits even though they are generally opposite characters. Communication problems are one of the factors that lead to Ahab’s and Billy’s deaths. Ahab never tells the entire truth to his men. He only tells them the parts that he thinks will motivate them to help him catch the whale. If the entire crew had been told before they signed on to help that they would be hunting the most dangerous whale in the sea none of them would have gone on the voyage and died. Also, Ahab is so inflexible that no matter how heated the conversation gets, he won’t change his opinion. Starbuck can’t talk any common sense into Ahab, he’s just too stubborn. If Ahab had listened to Starbuck, he might have died an old man instead of the way he did. Billy’s communication with others helps and hurts him. When Billy talks to people they almost always come away from the conversation with good feelings about Billy. He makes a lot of friends that way. However, Billy has troubles communicating too. He cannot sense if the person he is talking to is truthful or not. He talks to Squeak several times but never even guesses that Squeak is talking to him for mischievous purposes. Billy also stutters when he’s overcome, when he can’t find words to describe the emotions he is experiencing. He ends up dying because of this character flaw.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Neither Ahab or Billy can see more than one side of an issue. Throughout the entire trip, Ahab never thinks of chasing the whale as something dangerous, something that shouldn’t be done. Nearly everyone else on the ship, excluding Fedallah, thinks that chasing after one whale, the most dangerous whale in the entire ocean, is crazy and that it’s an unnecessary risk of the crew’s lives. But Ahab, because of his inability to consider his crew’s views about the hunt and because he can only think of the whale as pure evil, condemns them all to death.